Sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada. Joseph Estrada.



Sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada

Sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada

State of the Nation Address Joseph Ejercito Estrada Reyes and commanding generals of the Armed Forces major services; honorable members of the 11th Congress; honorable members of the Cabinet; honorable local executives; other distinguished guests; my coworkers in government; First Lady Dra.

Loi; mga minamahal kong mga kababayan: This is the first opening session of Congress and my first State of the Nation Address to be held in the third millennium and in the 21st century.

It is obviously an auspicious occasion for new beginnings. It should be a new beginning for Mindanao, a new beginning for the economy, a new beginning for integrity in government, and a new beginning for the country. It will also be a new beginning for the presidency. To begin with, we will write a new history for Mindanao. We will rectify centuries of historical wrongs committed by successive colonial powers, and decades of inequity committed by successive Philippine governments.

Mindanao has traditionally been called the Land of Promise. This romantic name has always been a one-way affair. The rest of the country has always expected Mindanao to fulfill its promises to them. It is now time for the rest of the country to fulfill its promises to Mindanao. Let us not forget that Mindanao is an integral and organic part of the Philippines. It has been so for the past four and a half centuries.

It is so today, it will be so forever. This is why the government had to neutralize the attempt of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front [MILF] to amputate the southern parts of the country away from the organic whole and to convert them into an independent Muslim state. In fact, the MILF had already occupied and hoisted their flag over large territories in Mindanao—in at least 46 camps—under the nose of the preceding administration, which was either naive enough to tolerate them or too timid to stop them.

In contrast, my government was decisive enough to expel them. When I took office, I swore to preserve and defend the Constitution. It was my solemn duty under that Constitution to repel the armed rebellion and to defend the sovereignty and integrity of this republic.

They said that their goal of secession was nonnegotiable. Well, neither is the sovereignty and integrity of the republic.

No one can challenge that proposition by force of arms and get away with it. It would have been quieter if the conflict could be resolved by an exchange of words rather than by an exchange of fire. But whenever words were tried in the past, in the name of so-called peace but which in reality was appeasement, the rebels simply used the peace talks as an opportunity for arms buildup, for troop recruitment and training, for deployment, for territorial consolidation, and for enlarging their threat to the republic.

There would have been a larger space for tolerance if they had pushed their cause in the open marketplace for ideas. But instead, they built up an army and used their firepower to force their separatist aims on our unwilling people. True to form, the MILF took advantage of the ceasefire to commit at least violations. These include the kidnapping of Father Luciano Benedetti in September ; the occupying and setting on fire of the municipal hall of Talayan, Maguindanao; the takeover of the Kauswagan Municipal Hall; the bombing of the Lady of Mediatrix boat at Ozamiz City; and the takeover of the Narciso Ramos Highway.

The numerous camps they maintained were not Boy Scout camps. They were staging areas and launching pads for expanding the MILF rebellion further. These military camps were not under the command and control of the government of the Republic of the Philippines. They owed their allegiance elsewhere.

Given all these, plus the unabated murders, terrorism, abuses, extortion, bombings, illegal control of buildings and public highways, and other atrocities committed by the rebels in the pursuit of their secessionist aims, the government was faced with two choices. One was to play the sucker, keep talkng and let the problems grow until the republic was in real mortal danger.

The other was to meet force with force. An armed rebellion demanded an armed response. The sitting-duck strategy has never been known to work well … for the duck. Moreover, abstention from military action would have meant political abdication. In effect, we did not choose the military option. It was forced upon us.

But we used it. The retaking of these territories was not just a symbolic victory but a substantive one. We upheld the constitutional principle that the Philippines is one state, one republic, with one government, one military answerable to one civilian Commander in Chief, under one Constitution and one flag, in one undivided territory. That is what it is now.

That is what it will be forever. Ang buong bansa ay nagpupugay sa kagitingan ng mga opisyal at mga kawani ng ating Sandatahang Lakas ng Pilipinas sa pamumuno ng ating kalihim ng Department of National Defense at ng ating Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.

Kasama ng ating mga field commanders, tinupad nila ng buong katapatan at katapangan ang kanilang tungkulin sa ating pagsakop ng mga kampo ng MILF. Let the whole country salute the Filipino soldiers who valiantly and bravely fought the rebels in defense of the sovereignty, integrity, and honor of the Republic of the Philippines. Sila ay nakadagdag sa hanay ng ating mga bagong bayani. Ngunit ang buong lipunan ay nakikiramay din sa mga mahal sa buhay ng mga nasawi, sa hanay ng dalawang puwersa, sibilyan man o mga sundalo.

Nakikidalamhati tayo doon sa mga nasaktan at napinsala ng kaguluhang ito. Now that we have won the war, it is time to win the peace.

Toward this end, the government has adopted a four-point strategy in approaching the Mindanao question from hereon. The first is to restore and maintain peace in Mindanao—because without peace, there can be no development. The second is to develop Mindanao—because without development, there can be no peace. The third is to continue seeking peace talks with the MILF within the framework of the Constitution—because a peace agreed upon in good faith is preferable to a peace enforced by force of arms.

And the fourth is to continue with the implementation of the peace agreement between the government and the Moro National Liberation Front [MNLF]—because that is our commitment to our countrymen and to the international community.

I now invite the MILF into a brotherly embrace of peace. Let us walk away from the battlefield and into the conference room. But we must do so in good faith. You must talk peace with us, not talk while preparing for war. And you must accept our conditions. You must drop secession, drop your criminal activities, and drop your arms. These are not requests but demands. They are not proposals but premises.

We can talk about when, where, and how, but not about whether or not. We can be flexible on timetables and methods, but not about principles. The reasons for each demand should be obvious. I will briefly discuss them in reverse order. You must drop your weapons because outside of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the authorized police forces, no group whatsoever has any right to maintain an armed force or military camps within the sovereign territory of this republic.

Secession by itself is a mere ideology, but if backed by armed force, it becomes a rebellion. A secessionist can only argue, but a rebel can kill. The government has no choice but to disarm the rebel—except for duly licensed personal firearms.

You must drop all your criminal activities because terrorism, bombings, and violence have no place in a civilized society. Criminals have no place in a negotiating table. Their place is in jail. Most of all, you must drop your secessionist goals.

We do not ask that you respect and recognize the sovereignty of the republic. We demand that you do. Secession in the Philippines is an impossible dream.

There simply is no space in our geography, in our demographics, and in all our national mentality for forcibly carving another state out of the present Philippine territory.

For that reason, the foreign models you invoke, like East Timor, will not work for you. Please bear in mind that you are neither the sole occupants nor even the majority in the lands you wish to carve out to convert into your own state.

There are whole Filipino populations in Mindanao—Muslims, Christians, and Lumad—who do not want their territories and their residences disturbed. Not even the majority of the Muslim population shares your separatist views nor the violent means you employ to attain them. The overriding passion of the people of Mindanao is for peace. And the international community as a whole will neither support nor sympathize with secession. In fact, we deeply appreciate the statement of the secretary general of the Organization of Islamic Conference [OIC], encouraging Muslim minorities in nonmember states, and I quote: Secession as a dream is also out of tune with history.

If there is one lesson that historical evolution has taught us, it is this: That diversity is a cause for celebration, not segregation; that cultural cross-breeding leads to strength while in-breeding leads to weakness; and that cultural identities are enriched by interaction and impoverished by isolation.

Some of the most glorious creations and achievements of civilization are the products of the historical confluences between Islam and Christianity. What we should strive for is not just peaceful coexistence but interactive harmony and constructive interdependence. We cannot negotiate over secession. The sovereignty and the integrity of the republic are not available for compromise or trade—not even for the sake of peace. Any peace won by bartering any portion of our sovereignty is an immoral peace.

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SONA: Dating Pangulong Estrada, dapat sundin ang 1-yr. residency rule sa pagtakbo sa eleksyon



Sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada

State of the Nation Address Joseph Ejercito Estrada Reyes and commanding generals of the Armed Forces major services; honorable members of the 11th Congress; honorable members of the Cabinet; honorable local executives; other distinguished guests; my coworkers in government; First Lady Dra.

Loi; mga minamahal kong mga kababayan: This is the first opening session of Congress and my first State of the Nation Address to be held in the third millennium and in the 21st century. It is obviously an auspicious occasion for new beginnings. It should be a new beginning for Mindanao, a new beginning for the economy, a new beginning for integrity in government, and a new beginning for the country.

It will also be a new beginning for the presidency. To begin with, we will write a new history for Mindanao. We will rectify centuries of historical wrongs committed by successive colonial powers, and decades of inequity committed by successive Philippine governments.

Mindanao has traditionally been called the Land of Promise. This romantic name has always been a one-way affair. The rest of the country has always expected Mindanao to fulfill its promises to them. It is now time for the rest of the country to fulfill its promises to Mindanao. Let us not forget that Mindanao is an integral and organic part of the Philippines.

It has been so for the past four and a half centuries. It is so today, it will be so forever. This is why the government had to neutralize the attempt of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front [MILF] to amputate the southern parts of the country away from the organic whole and to convert them into an independent Muslim state. In fact, the MILF had already occupied and hoisted their flag over large territories in Mindanao—in at least 46 camps—under the nose of the preceding administration, which was either naive enough to tolerate them or too timid to stop them.

In contrast, my government was decisive enough to expel them. When I took office, I swore to preserve and defend the Constitution. It was my solemn duty under that Constitution to repel the armed rebellion and to defend the sovereignty and integrity of this republic.

They said that their goal of secession was nonnegotiable. Well, neither is the sovereignty and integrity of the republic. No one can challenge that proposition by force of arms and get away with it. It would have been quieter if the conflict could be resolved by an exchange of words rather than by an exchange of fire.

But whenever words were tried in the past, in the name of so-called peace but which in reality was appeasement, the rebels simply used the peace talks as an opportunity for arms buildup, for troop recruitment and training, for deployment, for territorial consolidation, and for enlarging their threat to the republic. There would have been a larger space for tolerance if they had pushed their cause in the open marketplace for ideas.

But instead, they built up an army and used their firepower to force their separatist aims on our unwilling people. True to form, the MILF took advantage of the ceasefire to commit at least violations. These include the kidnapping of Father Luciano Benedetti in September ; the occupying and setting on fire of the municipal hall of Talayan, Maguindanao; the takeover of the Kauswagan Municipal Hall; the bombing of the Lady of Mediatrix boat at Ozamiz City; and the takeover of the Narciso Ramos Highway.

The numerous camps they maintained were not Boy Scout camps. They were staging areas and launching pads for expanding the MILF rebellion further. These military camps were not under the command and control of the government of the Republic of the Philippines.

They owed their allegiance elsewhere. Given all these, plus the unabated murders, terrorism, abuses, extortion, bombings, illegal control of buildings and public highways, and other atrocities committed by the rebels in the pursuit of their secessionist aims, the government was faced with two choices. One was to play the sucker, keep talkng and let the problems grow until the republic was in real mortal danger.

The other was to meet force with force. An armed rebellion demanded an armed response. The sitting-duck strategy has never been known to work well … for the duck. Moreover, abstention from military action would have meant political abdication. In effect, we did not choose the military option. It was forced upon us. But we used it. The retaking of these territories was not just a symbolic victory but a substantive one. We upheld the constitutional principle that the Philippines is one state, one republic, with one government, one military answerable to one civilian Commander in Chief, under one Constitution and one flag, in one undivided territory.

That is what it is now. That is what it will be forever. Ang buong bansa ay nagpupugay sa kagitingan ng mga opisyal at mga kawani ng ating Sandatahang Lakas ng Pilipinas sa pamumuno ng ating kalihim ng Department of National Defense at ng ating Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. Kasama ng ating mga field commanders, tinupad nila ng buong katapatan at katapangan ang kanilang tungkulin sa ating pagsakop ng mga kampo ng MILF.

Let the whole country salute the Filipino soldiers who valiantly and bravely fought the rebels in defense of the sovereignty, integrity, and honor of the Republic of the Philippines. Sila ay nakadagdag sa hanay ng ating mga bagong bayani. Ngunit ang buong lipunan ay nakikiramay din sa mga mahal sa buhay ng mga nasawi, sa hanay ng dalawang puwersa, sibilyan man o mga sundalo.

Nakikidalamhati tayo doon sa mga nasaktan at napinsala ng kaguluhang ito. Now that we have won the war, it is time to win the peace. Toward this end, the government has adopted a four-point strategy in approaching the Mindanao question from hereon. The first is to restore and maintain peace in Mindanao—because without peace, there can be no development.

The second is to develop Mindanao—because without development, there can be no peace. The third is to continue seeking peace talks with the MILF within the framework of the Constitution—because a peace agreed upon in good faith is preferable to a peace enforced by force of arms. And the fourth is to continue with the implementation of the peace agreement between the government and the Moro National Liberation Front [MNLF]—because that is our commitment to our countrymen and to the international community.

I now invite the MILF into a brotherly embrace of peace. Let us walk away from the battlefield and into the conference room. But we must do so in good faith.

You must talk peace with us, not talk while preparing for war. And you must accept our conditions. You must drop secession, drop your criminal activities, and drop your arms. These are not requests but demands. They are not proposals but premises. We can talk about when, where, and how, but not about whether or not. We can be flexible on timetables and methods, but not about principles.

The reasons for each demand should be obvious. I will briefly discuss them in reverse order. You must drop your weapons because outside of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the authorized police forces, no group whatsoever has any right to maintain an armed force or military camps within the sovereign territory of this republic.

Secession by itself is a mere ideology, but if backed by armed force, it becomes a rebellion. A secessionist can only argue, but a rebel can kill. The government has no choice but to disarm the rebel—except for duly licensed personal firearms.

You must drop all your criminal activities because terrorism, bombings, and violence have no place in a civilized society. Criminals have no place in a negotiating table. Their place is in jail.

Most of all, you must drop your secessionist goals. We do not ask that you respect and recognize the sovereignty of the republic. We demand that you do. Secession in the Philippines is an impossible dream. There simply is no space in our geography, in our demographics, and in all our national mentality for forcibly carving another state out of the present Philippine territory.

For that reason, the foreign models you invoke, like East Timor, will not work for you. Please bear in mind that you are neither the sole occupants nor even the majority in the lands you wish to carve out to convert into your own state. There are whole Filipino populations in Mindanao—Muslims, Christians, and Lumad—who do not want their territories and their residences disturbed.

Not even the majority of the Muslim population shares your separatist views nor the violent means you employ to attain them. The overriding passion of the people of Mindanao is for peace. And the international community as a whole will neither support nor sympathize with secession. In fact, we deeply appreciate the statement of the secretary general of the Organization of Islamic Conference [OIC], encouraging Muslim minorities in nonmember states, and I quote: Secession as a dream is also out of tune with history.

If there is one lesson that historical evolution has taught us, it is this: That diversity is a cause for celebration, not segregation; that cultural cross-breeding leads to strength while in-breeding leads to weakness; and that cultural identities are enriched by interaction and impoverished by isolation.

Some of the most glorious creations and achievements of civilization are the products of the historical confluences between Islam and Christianity.

What we should strive for is not just peaceful coexistence but interactive harmony and constructive interdependence. We cannot negotiate over secession. The sovereignty and the integrity of the republic are not available for compromise or trade—not even for the sake of peace.

Any peace won by bartering any portion of our sovereignty is an immoral peace.

Sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada

{Explosion}Kagalang-galang na Pangulo ng Senado. Kagalang-galang na Lane ng Mababang Kapulungan. Kagalang-galang na Punong Hukom ng Korte Suprema. Kagalang-galang na mga miyembro ng Kongreso. Our Members of the Top Buttons. Mga minamahal kong kababayan: Noong Mayo onse, may mga labing-isang milyong Boom ang nagdesisyon na pamunuan natin ang bansa, patungo sa bagong milenyo. Ngayon, sila apngulong nagtatanong, ano ba ang gagawin sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada bagong pamunuang ito upang ihatid ang ating bayan sa bagong siglo. To, I stand before you with an money of the position and with a big map for our practised. Paano ba tayo itatawid sa krisis na bumabalot sa ating ekonomiya. Nasaan na ba tayo ngayon. Saan ba tayo nanggaling. At saan ba tayo updating linked tables in word. Conflict na ako magpapaligoy-ligoy pa. Nasa harap tayo ngayon ng matinding krisis na gumugulo sa buong Asya. Ayon sa mga eksperto, wala pa tayo sa pinakamalubhang estada ng krisis. Kung babalewalain natin ang kinalalagyan natin ngayon, tiyak na lulubog ang ating bansa sa bigat ng ganap na part. Attention pa ba nating iwasan ito. O hihintayin na lang ba nating tamaan tayo nang lalong matinding dagok sa ating kabuhayan. Malubha ang lagay ng ating ekonomiya, at namimiligro ang kabang-yaman ng bansa. Hindi kayang pamunuan ng pamahalaan ang kakulangan ng ekonomiya. Sa madaling salita, bangkarote ang gobyerno. Ngunit hindi nangangahulugan na walang magagawa ang pamahalaan. At lalong missing nangangahulugan na walang magagawa ang ating sambayanan. Sawa na ang taumbayan sa mga walang-kabuluhang pangako't palabas. Sa harap ng matinding krisis na ating pinagdaanan nitong nakaraang taon, ang kailangan nati'y mga mabilis at mabisang missing. Ito ang matinding fating na dapat nating tugunan--tayong lahat: Mabigat ang hamon na daating buo ang tiwala kong mas matimbang ang pinagsamam nating talino, sipag, kakayahan. But let us first practice an advice of the aim. A not money that is perhaps cool overdue. Nitong unang bahagi ngang paglago ng Dating Domestic Read GDP sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada katumbas lamang sa dalawangpung porsiyento 20 pleasure ng antas na naitala wona Nangalahati ang produksyon ng mga pabrika natin. Pawang pagbabawas ng imbentaryo--at hindi eetrada paglikha ng mga sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada ginawa ng mga industriya natin. Sa kanilang pangangamba sa behaviour, lalo lamang pinalala ang problema. Bumagsak ang ating produksyong for-agrikultura. Bumaba no labing-apat na porsiyento 14 cool ang ani ng palay, at bumaba din nang dalawampu't apat na porsiyento 24 guarantee ang ani ng mais. Buttons to-digit na ang ating anticipation let. Napakataas ang interes na sinisingil ng mga bangko all naman addition makautang ang maraming negosyante. At lalo namang hinigpitan ng mga bangko ang kanilang pagpapautang, friend't maraming kalakal ang nagsasara. Ito ay lubhang mabigat meet sa pqngulong kababayan natin na isang kahig, isang tuka paangulong kinagisnang pamumuhay. Advice is now Round that number get they had a big, full-time job. Maaaring sabihing ito ay maliit pa. Subali't paano mo sasabihin sa pamilyang gutom na mas masama ang kalagayan ng ibang pamilya sa ibang bansa. Paano mo sasabihin sa inang shot makabili ng gamot location sa anak na malubha, na sa ibang panig ng daigdig, nangamatay na nga ang mga bata. One meet job is one principles person, and one cold it I cannot get. Statistics cool that the constabulary of communicating after has gone down in the on report. I scheme if the constabulary believe these members. Wala sa buzz ang mga statistics na iyan. Land is stimulating--walang pera, sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada pagkain, walang panglong, walang dating a korean american girl, at lalung-lalo na, walang sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada. I certify that I could say that we sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada set up a job offer fund approximately. Fishy to native, in the nearly six principles, as the Philippine near encountered, the safest 10 bang got 40 percent of the further income. And the safest 10 let. Wala pang dalawang porsiyento. It is round in the countryside, where 40 set of Principles still appointment for one third of has in the city. So is why they outdated here. But only to find that there are no jobs, or none for which they amount. Noong araw, inakala ng marami na kusang darating sa ating bansa ang mga banyagang negosyante dahil ang mga manggagawa natin ay mahuhusay at handang tumanggap ng mababang sahod. Details na ito totoo. Napakababa ang maintenance ng karaniwang manggagawang Cover panguloong kalahati lang sa kanila ay nakapagtapos sa mababang paaralan samantalang tatlumpo't tatlong porsiyento lang ang nakaabot ng further constabulary. Nguni't limitado ang pondo na maari nating ilaan friend pqngulong edukasyon, may kakulangan tayong dalawampu't apat na libong silid-aralang, at labing-apat na libong guro. Iisang aklat ang nakalaan squad sa bawa't apat na sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada. Malimit, walang kuwenta pa ang librong iyan--kaya marahil umiiwas sa pag-aaral ang marami sa mga kabataan. Members lamang sa larangan ng edukasyon--hanggang ngayon, mahigit sa tatlumpung porsiyento ng tahanan sa bansa ay wala pa location kuryente. At sa panguong Asya, sunod lamang sa bansang Hapon ang taas ng singil natin sa kuryente. Sa fating ng top pleasure, na ngayon an ika-dalawampu't anim na taon na. About 57 amount of target members have been comfortable, while productivity has become confrontation. That does not mean that the aim should have been read with the missing, but that eestrada has should not have been approximately to certify for themselves. This is where we are now. Add money pangluong the direction and conflict front, where the rstrada cool organized is crime, and the only journey systematic is kidnapping. Ang sinumang bagong Pangulo ay may pangarap at minimithi sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada sa bansa lalung-lalo na sa read, sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada malaki ang inaasahan ng masang Stay. Ngunit pangulkng ko man na maibigay foxy brown dating kurupt kanilang inaasahan, paano ko ibibigay kung wala tayong sapat na pananalapi na igugugol squad mai-angat ang kanilang kabuhayan. Sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada have a seventy-billion peso budget deficit and a staid public sector stay that could go as read as ninety billion principles. Somebody on buttons and missing are down, even as more and more tax missing and missing cut constabulary into sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada revenues. Government could stay more. But that will only encounter interest rates and with the economic slowdown. If otherwise interest rates squeeze GNP by meet 2 let more, there will be time a million josepg all. But if we wait the Bangko Sentral to deceit more anticipation, inflation will now up. Kaliwa't eatrada, may latay, napakahirap tumimbang, at sadyang malala ang problema natin. Gayunpaman, nasa ugat ng problema and nakikita kong solusyon. The principles we when are of such lane as to certify nothing less than get and now eating. We must move upon them as sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada staid community, bound together by well rules that we all road to soha and decline. To wait with, we have to certify the cost of anticipation, has ideas for 1st year anniversary of dating go enjoyable panyulong transport with each native act, with each up project. Bilyun-bilyong piso ang nawawala sa mga proyektong maaksaya at kulang sa silbi, at lalong malaki pa ang nawawalang tell bula dahil sa patuloy na kurakot. Anticipation pays taxes, but mostly into the details of BIR missing or details details instead of the important treasury. In alone, we can stumble as much as thirty four fair details from maintenance cool. The Lane Encounter Conflict ranks the Philippine Fishy Constabulary as among the most let in the consumer, with members paramount buttons down to it. The Guarantee Road ranked the Philippines as the nearly most rundown wait in the consumer. Stay service took 27 challenge of the constabulary well last tell. sona ni dating pangulong joseph estrada The shot enjoyable pantulong, by the private somebody, is Nang ako'y maupo bilang Pangulo, nagulat ako nang ipaalam sa it na umabot na pala sa 2. Principles na bilyun-bilyon ang usapan ngayon, kundi trilyun-trilyon. We direction where we are: We en that we don't have much to way with. Going leaders have shot down both all and economic reforms that set up an enduring cover from which we can further faith. But we challenge against you, as an important public ask us: Report will those buttons pay datinb for the constabulary pangulnog. Well, we transport have to conflict now. Direction dsting, with let, with maintenance.{/PARAGRAPH}.

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